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| At the very least, state action flows from commitments that can contradict those held by religious believers, and there is no neutral standpoint, in either religion or non-religion, from which those differences can be adjudicated – no standpoint, that is, that is not itself a matter of controversy on similar grounds. Moreover, any state is in some measure a creature of its society. The attitudes of state actors are a function of attitudes within the society at large. Indeed, the more responsive a state is to its population, the greater the consonance between social attitudes and those of the state. It is a mistake, then, to think of government as standing entirely outside the fray. It cannot help but embody attitudes prevalent in society, and the considerations that should motivate individuals to exercise toleration are therefore acutely relevant to state actors. As much as anybody, state actors need to understand why they should tolerate beliefs and practices that contradict their personal commitments. The reasons for toleration by the state are a heightened projection of the reasons applicable to citizens generally. |
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| 最起码的一点是,国家的行为跟随公众评价而变动,这些评价与宗教信徒持有的观点矛盾,没有中立的立场,无论是在宗教或非宗教,在这里这些不同都可以说成是毫无立场，也就是说,在相似的条件下不是争论的实质本身。此外,任何一个国家在某种程度上是其社会的组成体。国家行动者的态度可以说是整个社会的态度。事实上,一个政府对其人口的回应越多，社会态度和国家态度之间的越一致。认为政府是完全处在这种争论之外的想法是错误的。这不能帮助反而会增强这种态度在社会上的流行。因此，去激起社会个体去提高容忍的想法与政府行动者有很大的关系。和每个人都一样，政府人员需要去理解为什么他们应该容忍那些跟他们个人承诺相持的信仰和做法。政府容忍的原因加重了这种原因对市民的投射力度。 |
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