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yangzeng

金虫 (著名写手)

[交流] President Clinton Speaks at Peking University

THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Beijing, People's Republic of China)

For Immediate Release June 29, 1998
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO STUDENTS AND COMMUNITY OF BEIJING UNIVERSITY
Beijing University
Beijing, People's Republic of China
10:25 A.M. (L)

PRESIDENT CLINTON:
Thank you. Thank you, President Chen, Chairmen Ren, Vice President Chi, Vice Minister Wei. We are delighted to be here today with a very large American delegation, including the First Lady and our daughter, who is a student at Stanford, one of the schools with which Beijing University has a relationship. We have six members of the United States Congress; the Secretary of State; Secretary of Commerce; the Secretary of Agriculture; the Chairman of our Council of Economic Advisors; Senator Sasser, our Ambassador; the National Security Advisor and my Chief of Staff, among others. I say that to illustrate the importance that the United States places on our relationship with China.

I would like to begin by congratulating all of you, the students, the faculty, the administrators, on celebrating the centennial year of your university. Gongxi, Beida. (Applause.)

As I'm sure all of you know, this campus was once home to Yenching University which was founded by American missionaries. Many of its wonderful buildings were designed by an American architect. Thousands of Americans students and professors have come here to study and teach. We feel a special kinship with you.

I am, however, grateful that this day is different in one important respect from another important occasion 79 years ago. In June of 1919, the first president of Yenching University, John Leighton Stuart, was set to deliver the very first commencement address on these very grounds. At the appointed hour, he appeared, but no students appeared. They were all out leading the May 4th Movement for China's political and cultural renewal. When I read this, I hoped that when I walked into the auditorium today, someone would be sitting here. And I thank you for being here, very much. (Applause.)

Over the last 100 years, this university has grown to more than 20,000 students. Your graduates are spread throughout China and around the world. You have built the largest university library in all of Asia. Last year, 20 percent of your graduates went abroad to study, including half of your math and science majors. And in this anniversary year, more than a million people in China, Asia, and beyond have logged on to your web site. At the dawn of a new century, this university is leading China into the future.

I come here today to talk to you, the next generation of China's leaders, about the critical importance to your future of building a strong partnership between China and the United States.

The American people deeply admire China for its thousands of years of contributions to culture and religion, to philosophy and the arts, to science and technology. We remember well our strong partnership in World War II. Now we see China at a moment in history when your glorious past is matched by your present sweeping transformation and the even greater promise of your future.

Just three decades ago, China was virtually shut off from the world. Now, China is a member of more than 1,000 international organizations -- enterprises that affect everything from air travel to agricultural development. You have opened your nation to trade and investment on a large scale. Today, 40,000 young Chinese study in the United States, with hundreds of thousands more learning in Asia, Africa, Europe, and Latin America.

Your social and economic transformation has been even more remarkable, moving from a closed command economic system to a driving, increasingly market-based and driven economy, generating two decades of unprecedented growth, giving people greater freedom to travel within and outside China, to vote in village elections, to own a home, choose a job, attend a better school. As a result you have lifted literally hundreds of millions of people from poverty. Per capita income has more than doubled in the last decade. Most Chinese people are leading lives they could not have imagined just 20 years ago.

Of course, these changes have also brought disruptions in settled patterns of life and work, and have imposed enormous strains on your environment. Once every urban Chinese was guaranteed employment in a state enterprise. Now you must compete in a job market. Once a Chinese worker had only to meet the demands of a central planner in Beijing. Now the global economy means all must match the quality and creativity of the rest of the world. For those who lack the right training and skills and support, this new world can be daunting.

In the short-term, good, hardworking people -- some, at least will find themselves unemployed. And, as all of you can see, there have been enormous environmental and economic and health care costs to the development pattern and the energy use pattern of the last 20 years -- from air pollution to deforestation to acid rain and water shortage.

In the face of these challenges new systems of training and social security will have to be devised, and new environmental policies and technologies will have to be introduced with the goal of growing your economy while improving the environment. Everything I know about the intelligence, the ingenuity, the enterprise of the Chinese people and everything I have heard these last few days in my discussions with President Jiang, Prime Minister Zhu and others give me confidence that you will succeed.
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yangzeng

金虫 (著名写手)
As you build a new China, America wants to build a new relationship with you. We want China to be successful, secure and open, working with us for a more peaceful and prosperous world. I know there are those in China and the United States who question whether closer relations between our countries is a good thing. But everything all of us know about the way the world is changing and the challenges your generation will face tell us that our two nations will be far better off working together than apart.

The late Deng Xiaoping counseled us to seek truth from facts. At the dawn of the new century, the facts are clear. The distance between our two nations, indeed, between any nations, is shrinking. Where once an American clipper ship took months to cross from China to the United States. Today, technology has made us all virtual neighbors. From laptops to lasers, from microchips to megabytes, an information revolution is lighting the landscape of human knowledge, bringing us all closer together. Ideas, information, and money cross the planet at the stroke of a computer key, bringing with them extraordinary opportunities to create wealth, to prevent and conquer disease, to foster greater understanding among peoples of different histories and different cultures.

But we also know that this greater openness and faster change mean that problems which start beyond one nations borders can quickly move inside them -- the spread of weapons of mass destruction, the threats of organized crime and drug trafficking, of environmental degradation, and severe economic dislocation. No nation can isolate itself from these problems, and no nation can solve them alone. We, especially the younger generations of China and the United States, must make common cause of our common challenges, so that we can, together, shape a new century of brilliant possibilities.

In the 21st century -- your century -- China and the United States will face the challenge of security in Asia. On the Korean Peninsula, where once we were adversaries, today we are working together for a permanent peace and a future freer of nuclear weapons.

On the Indian subcontinent, just as most of the rest of the world is moving away from nuclear danger, India and Pakistan risk sparking a new arms race. We are now pursuing a common strategy to move India and Pakistan away from further testing and toward a dialogue to resolve their differences.

In the 21st century, your generation must face the challenge of stopping the spread of deadlier nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons. In the wrong hands or the wrong places, these weapons can threaten the peace of nations large and small. Increasingly, China and the United States agree on the importance of stopping proliferation. That is why we are beginning to act in concert to control the worlds most dangerous weapons.

In the 21st century, your generation will have to reverse the international tide of crime and drugs. Around the world, organized crime robs people of billions of dollars every year and undermines trust in government. America knows all about the devastation and despair that drugs can bring to schools and neighborhoods. With borders on more than a dozen countries, China has become a crossroad for smugglers of all kinds.

Last year, President Jiang and I asked senior Chinese and American law enforcement officials to step up our cooperation against these predators, to stop money from being laundered, to stop aliens from being cruelly smuggled, to stop currencies from being undermined by counterfeiting. Just this month, our drug enforcement agency opened an office in Beijing, and soon Chinese counternarcotics experts will be working out of Washington.

In the 21st century, your generation must make it your mission to ensure that today's progress does not come at tomorrow's expense. China's remarkable growth in the last two decades has come with a toxic cost, pollutants that foul the water you drink and the air you breathe -- the cost is not only environmental, it is also serious in terms of the health consequences of your people and in terms of the drag on economic growth.

Environmental problems are also increasingly global as well as national. For example, in the near future, if present energy use patterns persist, China will overtake the United States as the world's largest emitter of greenhouse gases, the gases which are the principal cause of global warming. If the nations of the world do not reduce the gases which are causing global warming, sometime in the next century there is a serious risk of dramatic changes in climate which will change the way we live and the way we work, which could literally bury some island nations under mountains of water and undermine the economic and social fabric of nations.
We must work together. We Americans know from our own experience that it is possible to grow an economy while improving the environment. We must do that together for ourselves and for the world.

Building on the work that our Vice President, Al Gore, has done previously with the Chinese government, President Jiang and I are working together on ways to bring American clean energy technology to help improve air quality and grow the Chinese economy at the same time.

But I will say this again -- this is not on my remarks -- your generation must do more about this. This is a huge challenge for you, for the American people and for the future of the world. And it must be addressed at the university level, because political leaders will never be willing to adopt environmental measures if they believe it will lead to large-scale unemployment or more poverty. The evidence is clear that does not have to happen. You will actually have more rapid economic growth and better paying jobs, leading to higher levels of education and technology if we do this in the proper way. But you and the university, communities in China, the United States and throughout the world will have to lead the way. (Applause.)

In the 21st century your generation must also lead the challenge of an international financial system that has no respect for national borders. When stock markets fall in Hong Kong or Jakarta, the effects are no longer local; they are global. The vibrant growth of your own economy is tied closely, therefore, to the restoration of stability and growth in the Asia Pacific region.

China has steadfastly shouldered its responsibilities to the region and the world in this latest financial crisis -- helping to prevent another cycle of dangerous devaluations. We must continue to work together to counter this threat to the global financial system and to the growth and prosperity which should be embracing all of this region.

In the 21st century, your generation will have a remarkable opportunity to bring together the talents of our scientists, doctors, engineers into a shared quest for progress. Already the breakthroughs we have achieved in our areas of joint cooperation -- in challenges from dealing with spina bifida to dealing with extreme weather conditions and earthquakes -- have proved what we can do together to change the lives of millions of people in China and the United States and around the world. Expanding our cooperation in science and technology can be one of our greatest gifts to the future.

In each of these vital areas that I have mentioned, we can clearly accomplish so much more by walking together rather than standing apart. That is why we should work to see that the productive relationship we now enjoy blossoms into a fuller partnership in the new century.

If that is to happen, it is very important that we understand each other better, that we understand both our common interest and our shared aspirations and our honest differences. I believe the kind of open, direct exchange that President Jiang and I had on Saturday at our press conference -- which I know many of you watched on television -- can both clarify and narrow our differences, and, more important, by allowing people to understand and debate and discuss these things can give a greater sense of confidence to our people that we can make a better future.

From the windows of the White House, where I live in Washington, D.C., the monument to our first President, George Washington, dominates the skyline. It is a very tall obelisk. But very near this large monument there is a small stone which contains these words: The United States neither established titles of nobility and royalty, nor created a hereditary system. State affairs are put to the vote of public opinion.

This created a new political situation, unprecedented from ancient times to the present. How wonderful it is. Those words were not written by an American. They were written by Xu Jiyu, governor of Fujian Province, inscribed as a gift from the government of China to our nation in 1853.

I am very grateful for that gift from China. It goes to the heart of who we are as a people -- the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, the freedom to debate, to dissent, to associate, to worship without interference from the state. These are the ideals that were at the core of our founding over 220 years ago. These are the ideas that led us across our continent and onto the world stage. These are the ideals that Americans cherish today.

As I said in my press conference with President Jiang, we have an ongoing quest ourselves to live up to those ideals. The people who framed our Constitution understood that we would never achieve perfection. They said that the mission of America would always be "to form a more perfect union" -- in other words, that we would never be perfect, but we had to keep trying to do better.

The darkest moments in our history have come when we abandoned the effort to do better, when we denied freedom to our people because of their race or their religion, because there were new immigrants or because they held unpopular opinions. The best moments in our history have come when we protected the freedom of people who held unpopular opinion, or extended rights enjoyed by the many to the few who had previously been denied them, making, therefore, the promises of our Declaration of Independence and Constitution more than faded words on old parchment.

Today we do not seek to impose our vision on others, but we are convinced that certain rights are universal -- not American rights or European rights or rights for developed nations, but the birthrights of people everywhere, now enshrined in the United Nations Declaration on Human Rights -- the right to be treated with dignity; the right to express one's opinions, to choose one's own leaders, to associate freely with others, and to worship, or not, freely, however one chooses.

In the last letter of his life, the author of our Declaration of Independence and our third President, Thomas Jefferson, said then that "all eyes are opening to the rights of man." I believe that in this time, at long last, 172 years after Jefferson wrote those words, all eyes are opening to the rights of men and women everywhere.
Over the past two decades, a rising tide of freedom has lifted the lives of millions around the world, sweeping away failed dictatorial systems in the Former Soviet Union, throughout Central Europe; ending a vicious cycle of military coups and civil wars in Latin America; giving more people in Africa the chance to make the most of their hard-won independence. And from the Philippines to South Korea, from Thailand to Mongolia, freedom has reached Asia's shores, powering a surge of growth and productivity.

Economic security also can be an essential element of freedom. It is recognized in the United Nations Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights. In China, you have made extraordinary strides in nurturing that liberty, and spreading freedom from want, to be a source of strength to your people. Incomes are up, poverty is down; people do have more choices of jobs, and the ability to travel -- the ability to make a better life. But true freedom includes more than economic freedom. In America, we believe it is a concept which is indivisible.
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yangzeng

金虫 (著名写手)
Over the past four days, I have seen freedom in many manifestations in China. I have seen the fresh shoots of democracy growing in the villages of your heartland. I have visited a village that chose its own leaders in free elections. I have also seen the cell phones, the video players, the fax machines carrying ideas, information and images from all over the world. I've heard people speak their minds and I have joined people in prayer in the faith of my own choosing. In all these ways I felt a steady breeze of freedom.

The question is, where do we go from here? How do we work together to be on the right side of history together? More than 50 years ago, Hu Shi, one of your great political thinkers and a teacher at this university, said these words: "Now some people say to me you must sacrifice your individual freedom so that the nation may be free. But I reply, the struggle for individual freedom is the struggle for the nation's freedom. The struggle for your own character is the struggle for the nation's character."

We Americans believe Hu Shi was right. We believe and our experience demonstrates that freedom strengthens stability and helps nations to change.
One of our founding fathers, Benjamin Franklin, once said, "Our critics are our friends, for they show us our faults." Now, if that is true, there are many days in the United States when the President has more friends than anyone else in America. (Laughter.) But it is so.

In the world we live in, this global information age, constant improvement and change is necessary to economic opportunity and to national strength. Therefore, the freest possible flow of information, ideas, and opinions, and a greater respect for divergent political and religious convictions will actually breed strength and stability going forward.

It is, therefore, profoundly in your interest, and the world's, that young Chinese minds be free to reach the fullness of their potential. That is the message of our time and the mandate of the new century and the new millennium.

I hope China will more fully embrace this mandate. For all the grandeur of your history, I believe your greatest days are still ahead. Against great odds in the 20th century China has not only survived, it is moving forward dramatically.

Other ancient cultures failed because they failed to change. China has constantly proven the capacity to change and grow. Now, you must re-imagine China again for a new century, and your generation must be at the heart of China's regeneration.
The new century is upon us. All our sights are turned toward the future. Now your country has known more millennia than the United States has known centuries.

Today, however, China is as young as any nation on Earth. This new century can be the dawn of a new China, proud of your ancient greatness, proud of what you are doing, prouder still of the tomorrows to come. It can be a time when the world again looks to China for the vigor of its culture, the freshness of its thinking, the elevation of human dignity that is apparent in its works. It can be a time when the oldest of nations helps to make a new world.

The United States wants to work with you to make that time a reality.
Thank you very much. (Applause.)

Q Mr. President, I'm very honored to be the first one to raise question. Just as you mentioned in your address, Chinese and American people should join hands and move forward together. And what is most important in this process is for us to have more exchanges.

In our view, since China is opening up in reform, we have had better understanding of the culture, history, and literature of America, and we have also learned a lot about you from the biography. And we have also learned about a lot of American Presidents. And we have also seen the movie, Titanic.

But it seems that the American people's understanding of the Chinese people is not as much as the other way around. Maybe they are only seeing China through several movies, describing the Cultural Revolution or the rural life.

So my question is, as the first President of the United States visiting China in 10 years, what do you plan to do to enhance the real understanding and the respect between our two peoples? Thank you.

THE PRESIDENT: First of all, I think that's a very good point. And one of the reasons that I came here was to try to -- because, as you can see, a few people come with me from the news media -- I hope that my trip would help to show a full and balanced picture of modern China to the United States, and that by coming here, it would encourage others to come here and others to participate in the life of China.
I see a young man out in the audience who introduced himself to me yesterday as the first American ever to be a law student in China. So I hope we will have many more Americans coming here to study, many more Americans coming here to be tourists, many more Americans coming here to do business. The First Lady this morning and the Secretary of State had a meeting on a legal project. We are doing a lot of projects together with the Chinese to help promote the rule of law. That should bring a lot more people here.

I think there is no easy answer to your question. It's something we have to work at. We just need more people involved and more kinds of contacts. And I think the more we can do that, the better.
Is there a another question?
Q Mr. President, as a Chinese, I'm very interested in the reunification of my motherland. Since 1972, progress has been made on the question of Taiwan question, but we have seen that the Americans repeatedly are selling advanced weapons to Taiwan. And to our great indignation, we have seen that the United States and Japan have renewed the U.S.-Japan security treaty. And according to some Japanese officials, this treaty even includes Taiwan Province of China. So I have to ask, if China were to send its NATO missile to Hawaii, and if China were to sign a security treaty with other countries against one part of the United States, will the United States agree to such an act; will the American people agree to such an act? (Applause.)

THE PRESIDENT: First of all, the United States policy is not an obstacle to the peaceful reunification of China and Taiwan. Our policy is embodied in the three communiques and in the Taiwan Relations Act. Our country recognized China and embraced a one China policy almost 20 years ago. And I reaffirmed our one China policy to President Jiang in our meetings.

Now, when the United States and China reached agreement that we would have a one China policy, we also reached agreement that the reunification would occur by peaceful means, and we have encouraged the cross-strait dialogue to achieve that. Our policy is that any weapon sales, therefore, to Taiwan must be for defensive purposes only, and that the country must not believe -- China must not believe that we are in any way trying to undermine our own one China policy. It is our policy. But we do believe it should occur -- any reunification should occur peacefully.

Now, on Japan, if you read the security agreement we signed with Japan, I think it will be clear from its terms that the agreement is not directed against any country, but rather in support of stability in Asia. We have forces in South Korea that are designed to deter a resumption of the Korean War across the dividing line between the two Koreas. Our forces in Japan are largely designed to help us promote stability anywhere in the Asian Pacific region on short notice. But I believe that it is not fair to say that either Japan or the United States have a security relationship that is designed to contain China. Indeed, what both countries want is a security partnership with China for the 21st century.

For example, you mentioned NATO -- we have expanded NATO in Europe, but we also have made a treaty, an agreement between NATO and Russia, to prove that we are not against Russia anymore. And the most important thing NATO has done in the last five years is to work side by side with Russia to end the war in Bosnia. And I predict to you that what you see us doing with China now, working together to try to limit the tension from the Indian and the Pakistani nuclear tests, you will see more and more and more of that in the future. And I think you will see a lot of security cooperation in that area. And we can't see the agreements of today through the mirror of yesterday's conflicts.

Q Mr. President, I've very glad to have this opportunity to ask you a question. With a friendly smile you have set foot on the soil of China and you have come to the campus of Beida, so we are very excited and honored by your presence, for the Chinese people really aspire for the friendship between China and the United States on the basis of equality. As I know that before your departure from the States, you said that the reason for you to visit China is because China is too important and engagement is better than containment.

I'd like to ask you whether this sentence is kind of a commitment you made for your visit or do you have any other hidden sayings behind this smile. Do you have any other design to contain China? (Laughter and applause).

THE PRESIDENT: If I did, I wouldn't mask it behind a smile. (Laughter.) But I don't. That is, my words mean exactly what they say. We have to make a decision -- all of us do, but especially the people who live in large nations with great influence must decide how to define their greatness.

When the Soviet Union went away, Russia had to decide how to define its greatness. Would they attempt to develop the human capacity of the Russian people and work in partnership with their neighbors for a greater future, or would they remember the bad things the happened to them in the past 200 years and think the only way they could be great would be to dominate their neighbors militarily? They chose a forward course. The world is a better place.

The same thing is true with China. You will decide both in terms of your policies within your country and beyond, what does it mean that China will be a great power in the 21st century? Does it mean that you will have enormous economic success? Does it mean you will have enormous cultural influence? Does it mean that you will be able to play a large role in solving the problems of the world? Or does it mean you will be able to dominate your neighbors in some form or fashion, whether they like it or not? This is the decision that every great country has to make.

You ask me, do I really want to contain China? The answer is no. The American people have always had a very warm feeling toward China that has been interrupted from time to time when we have had problems. But if you go back through the history of our country, there's always been a feeling on the part of our people that we ought to be close to the Chinese people. And I believe that it would be far better for the people of the United States to have a partnership on equal, respectful terms with China in the 21st century than to have to spend enormous amounts of time and money trying to contain China because we disagree with what's going on beyond our borders. So I do not want that. I want a partnership. I'm not hiding another design behind a smile, it's what I really believe. (Applause.)
Because I think it's good for the American people and it's my job to do what's good for them. What's good for them is to have a good relationship with you.
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yangzeng

金虫 (著名写手)
Q Mr. President, I'm going to graduate this year and I'm going to work in Bank of China. Just now, Mr. President, you mentioned the responsibilities of the young generation of the two countries for international security, environment, and the financial stability. I think they are really important. And I think the most important thing is for the young people to be well educated. And I know, Mr. President, you love your daughter very much, and she is now studying at Stanford. So, my question is, several years ago you proposed the concept of knowledge economy -- so, my first question is, what do you think the education of higher learning, what kind of role can this play in the future knowledge economy?
And the second question is, what expectations do you have, Mr. President, for the younger generation of our two countries?

THE PRESIDENT: Let me answer the knowledge economy question first. And let me answer by telling you what I have tried to do in the United States. I have tried to create a situation in America in which the doors of universities and colleges are open to every young person who has sufficient academic achievement to get in, that there are no financial burdens of any kind. And we have not completely achieved it, but we have made a great deal of progress.

Now, why would I do that? Because I believe that the more advanced an economy becomes, the more important it is to have a higher and higher and higher percentage of people with a university education. Let me just tell you how important it is in the United States. We count our people -- every 10 years we do a census and we count the numbers of the American people and we get all kinds of information on them. In the 1990 Census, younger Americans who had a college degree were overwhelmingly likely to get good jobs and have their incomes grow. Younger Americans who had two years or more of university were likely to get good jobs and have their incomes grow. Younger Americans who didn't go to university at all were likely to get jobs where their incomes declined and were much more likely to be unemployed.

And the more advanced China's economy becomes, the more that will be true of China -- the more you will need very large numbers of people getting university education and technical education. So I think it is very, very important.

Now, let me say one expectation I have for the younger generation of Americans and Chinese that has nothing to do with economics. One of the biggest threats to your future is a world which is dominated not by modern problems, but by ancient hatreds. Look around the world and see how much trouble is being caused by people who dislike each other because of their racial or their religious or their ethnic differences -- whether it's in Bosnia, or the conflict between the Indians and the Pakistanis, or in the Middle East or the tribal continents in Africa.

You look all over the world, you see these kind of problems. Young people are more open to others who are different, more interested in people who are different. And I hope young people in China and young people in America that have a good education will be a strong voice in the world against giving in to this sort of hating people or looking down on them simply because they're different.
Thank you. (Applause.)

Q Mr. President, with regard to the question of democracy, human rights and freedom, actually this is an issue of great interest to both the Chinese and American peoples. But, to be honest, our two countries have some differences over these issues. In your address just now you made a very proud review and retrospection of the history of the American democracy in human rights. And you have also made some suggestions for China. Of course, for the sincere suggestions, we welcome. But I think I recall one saying, that is we should have both criticism and self-criticism.
So now I'd like to ask you a question. Do you think that in the United States today, there are also some problems in the area of democracy, freedom, and human rights, and what your government has done in improving the situation? (Applause.) THE PRESIDENT: I do, and, first of all, let me say, I never raise this question overseas in any country, not just China, without acknowledging first, that our country has had terrible problems in this area -- keep in mind, slavery was legal in America for many years -- and that we are still not perfect. I always say that, because I don't think it's right for any person to claim that he or she lives in a perfect country. We're all struggling toward ideals to live a better life. So I agree with the general point you made.

Now, I will give you two examples. We still have some instances of discrimination in America -- in housing or employment or other areas based on race. And we have a system set up to deal with it, but we have not totally eliminated it. And in the last year, I have been engaging the American people in a conversation on this subject, and we have tried to identify the things that government should do, the things that the American people should do either through the local government or through other organizations, and the attitudes that should change the minds and hearts of the American people. So that's one example.

Now, let me give you another example. We have -- when I ran for President in 1992, I was in a hotel in New York City, and an American immigrant from Greece came up to me and he said, my son is 10 years old and he studies the election in school and he says I should vote for you. But he said, if I vote for you, I want you to make my son free, because my son is not really free. So I asked this man, what do you mean? And he said, well, the crime is so high in my neighborhood, there are so many guns and gangs that my son does not feel that he -- I can't let him walk to school by himself, or go across the street to play in the park. So if I vote for you, I want you to make my son free.

I think that's important, because, you see, in America, we tend to view freedom as the freedom from government abuse or from government control. That is our heritage. Our founders came here to escape the monarchy in England. But sometimes freedom requires affirmative steps by government to give everyone an equal opportunity to have an education and make a decent living and to preserve a lawful environment. So I work very hard to try to bring the crime rate down in America, and it's now lower than it has been at any time in 25 years, which means that more of our children are free. But the crime rate is still high; there is still too much violence.

So we Americans need to be sensitive not only to preserve the freedoms that we hold dear, but also to create an environment in which people can build a truly good and free life.
That's a good question. (Applause.)

Q Mr. President, you are warmly welcome to Beida. You mentioned a sentence by Mr. Xu Jiyu, but our former president once said that when the great moral is in practice, the morals, they will not contradict each other. And I don't think the individual freedom and the collective freedom will contradict each other. But in China the prosperous development of the nation is actually the free choice of our people, and it's also the result of their efforts. So I think that freedom, real freedom, should mean for the people to freely choose the way of life they like and also to develop. And I also think that only those who can really respect the freedom of others can really say that they understand what freedom means. (Applause.)
I don't know whether you agree with me or not.
THE PRESIDENT: First of all, if you believe in freedom, you have to respect the freedom of others to make another choice. And even societies that have rather radical views of individual freedom recognize limits on that freedom when it interferes with preserving other people's rights.

For example, there's one of our famous court cases which says we have freedom of speech, but no one should be free to shout the word "fire" in a crowded movie theatre where there is no fire, and cause people to stampede over each other. There's another famous court decision that says my freedom ends where the other person's nose begins, meaning that you don't have the freedom to hit someone else.

So I agree with that. People have the freedom to choose and you have to respect other people's freedom and they have the right to make decisions that are different from yours. And there will never be a time when our systems and our cultures and our choices will be completely identical. That's one of the things that makes life interesting.

Q Mr. President, I have two questions. The first question is, the U.S. economy has been growing for more than 18 months, so I'd like to ask, apart from your personal contribution to the United States, what other factors do you think important for the success of the U.S. economy? Maybe they can serve as good reference for China.
The second question is, when President Jiang Zemin visited Harvard University last year, there were a lot of students outside the hall demonstrating, so I'd like you, Mr. President, if you are in Beijing University, and if there were a lot of students outside protesting and demonstrating, what feeling would you have?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, first of all, on the United States economy, I believe that the principal role of government policy since I've been President was to, first of all, get our big government deficit -- we had a huge annual deficit in spending -- we got that under control. We're about to have the first balanced budget in 30 years. That drove interest rates down and freed up a lot of money to be invested in creating jobs in the private sector. Then the second thing we did was to expand trade a lot, so we began to sell a lot more around the world than we had before. And the third thing we did was to attempt to invest more in our people -- in research, development, technology, and education.

Now, in addition to that, however, a lot of the credit here goes to the American people themselves. We have a very sophisticated business community; they were investing money in new technologies and in new markets and in training people. We have an environment where it's quite easy for people to start a business, and perhaps this is the area that might be most helpful to China.

I know that my wife has done a lot of work around the world in villages, trying to get credit to villagers so they could borrow money to start their own businesses, to try to take advantage of some skill they have. And we have seen this system work even in the poorest places in Africa and Latin America, where opportunity takes off.
So we have tried to make it easy in America for people to start a business, to expand a business, and to do business. And then we have also tried very, very hard to get new opportunities into areas where there were none before. And all these things together -- but especially, I give most of the credit to the people of my country. After all, a person in my position, we're supposed to have correct policies so that we create a framework within which the American people then create the future. And I think that is basically what has happened.

Now, you asked me an interesting question. Actually, I have been demonstrated against quite a lot in the United States. I told President Jiang when he was there, I was glad they demonstrated against him, so I didn't feel so lonely. (Laughter and applause.)
I'll give you a serious answer. If there were a lot of people demonstrating against me outside, suppose they were demonstrating over the question that the first gentleman asked me. Suppose they said, oh, President Clinton is trying to interfere with the peaceful reunification of China and Taiwan, and he shouldn't be selling them any weapons whatever. Well, I would try to find out what they were demonstrating against and then I would ask my host if they minded if I would go over and talk to them, or if they would mind if one or two people from the group of demonstrators could be brought to see me and they could say what is on their minds, and I could answer.

Remember what I said before about what Benjamin Franklin said -- our critics are our friends, for they show us our faults. You have asked me some very good questions today that have an element of criticism in them. They have been very helpful to me. They have helped me to understand how what I say is perceived by others -- not just in China, but around the world. They have helped me to focus on what I can do to be a more effective President for my people and for the things we believe in.

And so I feel very good that we have had this interchange. And from my point of view, the questions were far more important than my speech -- I never learn anything when I'm talking, I only learn things when I'm listening.
Thank you very much. Thank you. (Applause.)
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yangzeng

金虫 (著名写手)
克林顿总统：谢谢。陈校长、任书记、迟副校长、韦副部长，谢谢你们。今天，我很高兴率领一个庞大的美国代表团来到这里，代表团中包括第一夫人和我们的女儿，她是斯坦福大学的学生，该校是和北大具有交流关系的学校之一。
此外，我们的代表团中还包括六位美国国会议员、国务卿、商务部长、农业部长、经济顾问理事会理事长、我国驻华大使参议员尚慕杰、国家安全顾问和我的办公厅主任等。我提到这些人是为了说明美国极为重视对华关系。在北大百年校庆之际，我首先要向你们全体师生员工、管理人员祝贺。恭喜了，北大！（掌声。）各位知道，这个校园曾经一度是由美国传教士建立的燕京大学。学校许多美丽的建筑物由美国建筑师设计。成千上万的美国学生和教授来到北大求学和教课。我们对你们有一种特殊的亲近感。我很庆幸，今天和79年前的一个重要的日子大不相同。1919年6月，就在这里，燕京大学首任校长司徒雷登（JohnLeighton Stuart）准备发表第一个毕业典礼致辞。他准时出场，但学生一个未到。学生们为了振兴中国的政治文化，全部走上街头领导"五四"运动去了。我读到这个故事后，希望今天当我走进这个礼堂时，会有人坐在这里。非常感谢大家前来听我演讲。(掌声。)

　　一百年以来，北大已经发展到两万多学生。贵校的毕业生遍及中国和全世界。贵校建成了亚洲最大的大学图书馆。去年贵校有20%的毕业生去国外深造，其中包括一半的数理专业学生。在这个百年校庆之年，中国、亚洲和全世界有100多万人上机访问贵校的网址。在新世纪黎明之际，北大正在率领中国奔向未来。

　　你们是中国下一代的领导者。我今天要跟你们讲的是，建立中美两国牢固的夥伴关系，对于你们的未来至关重要。

　　在几千年的历史长河中，中国为人类文化、宗教、哲学、艺术和科技作出了贡献，美国人民深深钦佩你们。我们铭记着第二次世界大战期间两国的牢固夥伴关系。现在我们看到，中国处于历史性时刻：能和你们光辉灿烂的过去相提并论的，只有贵国目前气势磅礴的改革和更加美好的未来。

　　仅仅在30年前，中国还与世界隔绝。现在，中国参加了从航空旅行到农业开发等领域的1000多个国际组织。贵国为大规模贸易和投资敞开了大门。今天有40,000多年轻的中国学生在美国留学，还有数十万中国学生在亚洲、非洲、欧洲和拉美国家留学。

　　贵国在社会和经济领域的变革更为显著，从一个封闭的指令性经济体制向一个日显生机、日趋注重市场性的经济转变，产生了连续20年史无前例的增长，赋予人民更大的自由，到国内外旅游、进行村委会选举、拥有住房、选择职业以及上更好学校。因此，贵国帮助成千上百万的人们摆脱了贫困。在过去的10年中人均收入翻了一番以上。大多数中国人民过上了20年前还难以想象的美好生活。

　　当然，这些变化也打乱了固有的生活和工作格局，给贵国的环境造成了巨大压力。以前，每个城市居民到国有企业就业都有保障。现在，你们必须到就业市场上去竞争。以前，每个中国工人只要满足北京中央计划人员的要求，现在，全球性经济意味着人人必须跟上世界其他地区的质量和创造力。对于缺乏适当训练、技能和支持的人们来说，这个新世界的确令人生畏。

　　在短期内，一些诚实勤快的人会失业。正如你们所见，过去20年的开发模式和能源使用模式，造成了空气污染、滥伐森林、酸雨和缺水，在环境、经济和医疗保健方面带来了巨大代价。

　　面对这些挑战，必须制定出培训和社会保障的新体系，推出保护环境的新政策和新技术，以便在促进经济增长的同时改进环境。我对中国人民智慧、独创性和开发精神的所见所闻，过去几天我和江主席和朱总理及其他人会谈中的所见所闻，给了我信心，相信你们定能成功。

　　在你们建设新中国的同时，美国希望同你们建立新关系。我们要看到一个成就非凡、安全开放的中国，和我们携手为一个和平繁荣的世界而努力。我知道，无论在中国还是在美国，都有人怀疑两国之间的紧密关系是否是好事。但是，世界在变化，我们面临着种种挑战，我们了解的这一切告诉我们，我们两国携手合作比分道扬镳要有利得多。

　　已故的邓小平告诫我们要实事求是。新世纪来临之际，事实显而易见。我们两国间的距离在缩短，实际上是所有国家间的距离在缩短。以前，美国的快速帆船开到中国要花几个月。今天，高科技使我们天涯若比邻。从笔记本电脑到激光技术、从微芯片到兆字节储存器，信息革命正在照亮人类知识领域，将我们更紧密地联结起来。人们只要敲一下电脑的键盘，观念、信息和资金就能跨越全球，为人们创造财富、预防和征服疾病、加深具有不同历史和文化背景人民之间的了解，带来了极大的机会。

　　但我们也知道，更大的开放和更快的变革也意味着，别国产生的问题会很快蔓延到本国境内，如大规模毁灭性武器的扩散、有组织的犯罪和贩卖毒品的威胁、环境的恶化和严重的经济混乱等问题。没有哪个国家能避免这些问题，没有那个国家能独自解决这些问题。我们，特别是中美两国的年轻一代必须以迎接这些共同的挑战为共同的事业，共创一个光辉灿烂的新世纪。

　　二十一世纪是你们的世纪。中美两国将面临亚洲安全的挑战。我们两国曾在朝鲜半岛为敌，现在我们携手合作，为一个永久和平和无核武器的未来而努力。

　　世界各国正在摆脱核威胁，而在印度次大陆，印度和巴基斯坦却甘冒挑起新一轮军备竞赛的风险。我们正在谋求一个共同的策略，以使印巴两国停止进一步的核试验，并为解决分歧进行对话。

　　在二十一世纪，你们年轻一代必须承担制止更加致命的核武器、化学武器和生物武器扩散的重任。如果这种武器落入坏人之手或流入不适当的场所，无论大小国家，其安全都会受到威胁。中美两国日益认识到制止这类武器扩散的重要性，因此我们已开始齐心协力，控制世界上最危险的武器。

　　在二十一世纪，你们年轻一代一定要扭转犯罪和毒品的国际逆流。全世界有组织的犯罪分子每年从人民手中抢走的财产达数十亿美元，破坏了人们对政府的信任。美国人民深知毒品给学校师生和社区居民造成的破坏和绝望。中国的边境和十几个国家相邻，已成了各种走私分子的通道。

　　去年，我和江主席请求中美双方的高级执法官员加强合作，打击这些犯罪分子，防止洗钱，防止在残酷条件下偷运外国人，防止伪币破坏货币的信用。就在本月，我们的缉毒署在北京开设了办事处。不久，中国的缉毒专家也将在华盛顿开展工作。

　　在二十一世纪，你们年轻一代的使命是必须保证今天的进步发展不以明天为代价。中国过去20年来的快速增长以遭受毒害为代价，即贵国人民的饮用水和呼吸的空气都已遭受污染。这种代价不仅仅体现在环境方面，对人民的健康也造成了严重的危害，而且还会阻碍经济的发展。

　　环境问题正在变得日趋全球化和全国化。例如，在不久的将来，如果目前的能源使用模式不改变，中国将超过美国成为世界最大的温室气体的排放国。温室气体是全球性升温的主要原因。如果世界各国不减少排放造成全球性升温的气体，下世纪的某个时候就会出现气候急剧变化的严重威胁，这将改变我们的生活和工作方式，某些岛国就会被大水淹没，某些国家的经济社会结构就会遭到破坏。

　　我们必须大力合作。经验告诉我们美国人，可以在促使经济成长的同时保护环境。为了我们自己也为了世界，我们必须做到这一点。

　　我国副总统戈尔已同中国政府合作开展了不少工作。在此基础上，我和江主席正在一起探讨方法，在中国推出美国的清洁能源技术，在促进中国经济发展的同时提高中国的大气质量。

　　但我还要重申─这话不在我的讲稿上─在这一点上你们这一代还要有更多的作为。这对你们、对美国人民和世界的未来都是一个巨大的挑战。这个问题必须在大学里提出，因为如果政治领导人认为采取环保措施会导致大规模的失业或严重的贫困，他们就不愿意这样做。事实证明环保不会造成失业和贫困。如果我们的方法得当，人们将取得更快的经济增长，拥有薪水更高的工作，促进教育和科技向更高水平发展。但是，你们大学生和你们的大学，中美两国以及全世界的人民都必须带这个头。（掌声。）

　　在二十一世纪，你们必须承担不分国界的国际金融系统的重任。当香港和雅加达的股票市场下跌时，其影响再也不是局部性，而是全球性的。因此，贵国充满生机的经济成长同整个亚太地区恢复稳定和经济发展紧密相连。

　　在最近一次的金融危机中，中国坚定不移地承担了对本地区和全世界的责任，帮助避免了又一个危险的货币贬值周期。我们必须继续携手合作，对付全球金融系统面临的威胁以及对整个亚太地区本应有的发展和繁荣的威胁。

　　在二十一世纪，你们这一代将有极大的机会，将我们科学家、医生、工程师的各种才能结合起来，用于追求共同的发展。我们早就在一些合作领域中取得了突破，包括从医治脊柱对裂到预报恶劣天气和地震等。这些突破证明，只要我们合作，就能改变中美乃至全世界数以百万计的人的生活。扩大我们在科技领域的合作是我们给未来奉献的厚礼之一。

　　在我以上列举的每一个关键领域，显然，只要我们相互合作而不是互不往来，我们就能取得更大的成就。因此，我们应该努力，确保双方之间目前的建设性关系在下个世纪结出圆满的协作果实。

　　要做到这一点，我们就必须更好地相互了解，了解各自的共同利益、共有的期望和真诚的分歧。我相信大家在电视上都看到了，我和江主席星期六在联合记者招待会上公开直接的交流，有助于澄清和缩小我们的分歧。更为重要的是，允许人们理解、辩论和探讨这些问题，能使他们对我们建设美好的未来更加充满信心。

　　从我居住的华盛顿特区白宫的窗口向外眺望，我们第一任总统乔治．华盛顿的纪念碑俯视全城。那是一座高耸的方形尖塔。在这个庞大的纪念碑旁，有一块很小的石碑，上面刻着的碑文是：美国决不设置贵族和皇室头衔，也不建立世袭制度。国家事务由舆论公决。

　　美国就是这样建立了一个从古至今史无前例的崭新政治体系。这是最奇妙的事物。这些话不是美国人写的，而出自福建省巡抚徐继玉(Xu

　　Jiyu)之手，并于1853年由中国政府刻成碑文，作为礼物送给美国。

　　我很感激中国送的这份礼物。它道出了我们全体美国人民的心声，即人人有生命和自由的权利、追求幸福的权利，有不受国家的干涉，辩论和持不同政见的自由、结社的自由和宗教信仰的自由。这些就是220年前美国立国的核心理想。这些理想指引我们跨越美洲大陆，走向世界舞台。这些仍然是美国人民今天珍视的理想。

　　正如我在和江主席举行的记者招待会上所说，我们美国人民正在不断寻求实现这些理想。美国宪法的制定者了解，我们不可能做到尽善尽美。他们说，美国的使命始终是要"建设一个更为完美的联邦"。换言之，我们永远不可能尽善尽美，但我们必须不断改进。

　　每当我们放弃不断改进的努力，每当我们由于种族或宗教原因、由于是新移民，或者由于有人持不受欢迎的意见，而剥夺我们人民的自由，我们的历史就出现最黑暗的时刻。每当我们保护持不受欢迎的意见者的自由，或者将大多数人享受的权利给予以前被剥夺权利的人们，从而实践《独立宣言》和《宪法》的诺言，而不是使其成为一纸空文，我们的历史就出现最光明的时刻。

　　今天，我们没有谋求将自己的见解强加于人，但我们深信，某种权利具有普遍性，它们不是美国的权利或者欧洲的权利或者是发达国家的权利，而是所有的人们与生俱来的权利。这些权利现在载于《联合国人权宣言》。这些就是待人以尊严、各抒己见、选举领袖、自由结社、自由选择信教或不信教的权利。

　　《独立宣言》的作者、我国第三任总统托马斯．杰克逊在他一生的最后一封信中写道："人们正在睁开眼睛关注人权。"在杰克逊写了这句话172年之后，我相信，人们现在终于睁开眼睛关注着世界各地男男女女应享受的人权。

　　过去20年以来，一个高涨的自由浪潮解放了成千上百万的生灵，扫除了前苏联和中欧那种失败的独裁统治，结束了拉美国家军事政变和内战的恶性循环，使更多的非洲人民有机会享受来之不易的独立。从菲律宾到南朝鲜，从泰国到蒙古，自由之浪已冲到亚洲的海岸，给发展和生产力注入了动力。

　　经济保障也应该是自由的要素。这在《联合国经济社会文化权益公约》中获得承认。在中国，你们为培育这种自由已迈出了大步，保证不遭受匮乏，并成为贵国人民的力量源泉。中国人的收入提高了，贫困现象减轻了；人们有了更多的选择就业的机会和外出旅游的机会，有了创造更好生活的机会。但真正的自由不仅仅是经济的自由。我们美国人民认为这是一个不可分割的概念。

　　在过去的四天中，我在中国看到了自由的许多表现形式。我在贵国内地的一个村庄看到民主的萌芽正在迸发。我访问了一个自由选举村委领导的村庄。我也看到了大哥大电话、录像机和带来全世界观念、信息和图象的传真机。我听到人们抒发自己的想法，我还同当地的人们一起为我选择的宗教信仰祈祷。在所有这些方面，我感觉到自由的微风在吹拂。

　　但人们不禁要问，我们的发展方向是什么？我们怎样相互合作走上历史的正确一面？贵校伟大的政治思想家之一、胡适教授在50多年前说过：“有些人对我说，为了国家的自由你必须牺牲自己的个人自由。但我回答，为了个人自由而奋斗就是为了国家的自由而奋斗。为了个性而奋斗就是为了国民性而奋斗。”

　　我们美国人认为胡适是对的。我们相信，并且我们的经验表明，自由加强稳定，自由有助于国家的变革。

　　我国的一位开国先贤本杰明．富兰克林曾经说过：“我们的批评者是我们的朋友，因为他们指出我们的缺点。”如果这话正确，在美国很多时候，总统的朋友比其他任何人都多。

　　(笑声)但确实如此。

　　在我们生活的世界，全球性的信息时代、不断的改进和变革是增加经济机会和国力的必要条件。因此，让信息、观念和看法最自由地流通，更多地尊重不同的政治和宗教信仰，实际上将增加实力，推动稳定。

　　因此，为了贵国和世界的根本利益，中国的年轻人必须享有心灵上的自由，以便最充份地开发自己的潜力。这是我们时代的信息，也是新的世纪和新的千年的要求。

　　我希望中国能更充份地赞同这个要求。尽管贵国历史上有过辉煌的功绩，我认为，贵国最伟大的时光仍在前头。中国不仅顶着20世纪的种种艰难险阻生存了下来，而且正在迅速向前迈进。

　　其它的古老文化消亡了，因为他们没有进行变革。中国始终显示出变革和成长的能力。你们必须重新想象新世纪的中国，你们这一代必然处于中国复兴的中心。

　　我们即将进入新世纪。我们所有的目光瞄向未来。即使贵国以千年计算历史，即使美国以百年计算历史，贵国的历史也更加悠久。然而，今天的中国和任何一个国家一样年轻。新世纪将是新的中国的黎明，贵国为其在历史上的伟大而自豪，为你们进行的事业而自豪，为明天的到来更加自豪。在新世纪中，世界可能再次转向中国寻求她文化的活力、思想的新颖、人类尊严的升华，这在中国的成就中已显而易见。在新世纪中，最古老的国家有可能帮助建设一个新世界。

　　美国希望与贵国合作，使那个时刻成为现实。

　　问：总统先生,能够第一个提问,我感到很荣幸。正如您在演说中提到的那样,中美两国人民应当携手并进。在这一进程中，最重要的是我们进行更多的交流。

　　我们认为，由于中国正在改革中实行开放，我们对美国的文化、历史和文学有了更好的了解，我们也从传记中对您有了很多了解。我们也对许多任美国总统有了很多了解。我们也看过了《泰坦尼克号》这部电影。但是美国人民对中国人民的了解似乎不如中国人民对美国人民的了解。可能他们只是从几部描写文革或农村生活的电影中认识中国。

　　因此，我要问的是，作为10年来第一个访华的总统，您计划做些什么事情，来加强我们两国人民之间的真正了解和尊重？谢谢。

　　总统：首先，我认为这一点提得很好。我来到这里的原因之一就是试图─你们可以见到，新闻界有些人与我同行─我希望我的访问能够帮助美国全面和平衡地认识现代中国，我来到这里后，就能够鼓励其他人也来到这里，鼓励其他人体验中国的生活。

　　昨天我在听众中见到一个年轻人，他自我介绍说他是第一个到中国攻读法学院的美国人。因此我希望，将会有更多的美国人到这里来学习，更多的美国人到这里来旅游，更多的美国人到这里来经商。今天上午，第一夫人和国务卿参加了一个法律项目会议。我们正在共同进行许多合作项目，帮助中国人促进法治。这应当能够促使更多的人到这里来。

　　
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yangzeng

金虫 (著名写手)
我认为你的问题不容易回答。这就是我们应当努力的地方。我们需要更多的人参加，需要更多种类的联络。我们在这方面做得越多越好。

　　还有人提问吗？

　　问：总统先生，作为一个中国人，我对祖国的统一非常关心。从1972年以来，在台湾问题上取得了进展，但是我们看到美国人一再向台湾出售先进武器。我们感到愤怒的是，我们看到美国和日本延续了美─日安全条约。据某些日本官员说，这项条约甚至涵盖中国台湾省。因此我要问，如果中国在夏威夷派驻海军设施，如果中国与其他国家签署安全条约对付美国的一个部份，美国是否会同意这种行为；美国人民是否会同意这种行为？(掌声)

　　总统：首先，美国的政策并不是中国和台湾和平统一的障碍。三项公报和《与台湾关系法》体现了我们的政策。我国在将近20年前就承认中国，并实行一个中国的政策。我在同江主席的会谈中重申了我们的一个中国政策。

　　美国和中国达成了协议，就是我们实行的是一个中国政策，同时我们也达成了协议，就是将通过和平手段实现统一，我们鼓励海峡两岸进行对话，以实现这一目标。因此，我们的政策是，向台湾出售的任何武器只能用于防御目的，国家不得认为─中国不得认为我们会试图以任何一种方式破坏我们自身的一个中国政策。这是我们的政策。但是我们认为应当能够实现─任何统一都应当能够和平实现。

　　关于日本，如果你们阅读我们同日本签署的安全协议，我认为协议的条款明确显示了协议的目的不是用来对付任何国家，而是支持亚洲的稳定。我们在南朝鲜驻扎了军队，目的是防止两个朝鲜越过份界线恢复朝鲜战争。我们在日本驻军的目的，主要是帮助我们在紧急情况下促进亚太地区的稳定。但是我认为，说日本或美国具有旨在遏制中国的安全关系，这是不公平的。实际上，两国都希望在二十一世纪与中国拥有安全夥伴关系。

　　例如，你们提过北约─我们在欧洲扩大了北约，但是我们也签署了一项条约，就是北约与俄国之间的一项协议，以证明我们不再对付俄国。过去五年来，北约所做的最重要的事情，就是与俄国并肩合作，结束波斯尼亚的战争。我向你们预测，你们现在见到的事情，就是我们与中国合作，努力限制印度和巴基斯坦的核试验造成的紧张局势，你们今后还会见到很多很多这样的事情。我认为，在这一领域里，你们将见到很多安全方面的合作。我们不能用昨天的冲突作为镜子来看待今天的协议。

　　问：总统先生，我很高兴有机会向您提问。您带着友好的微笑，踏上了中国的土地，并来到北大校园，因此，您的光临使我们非常激动和荣幸，因为中国人民真正渴望中国和美国在平等的基础上建立友谊。据我所知，在您离开美国之前，您说您访华的原因，是因为中国太重要了，接触胜过遏制。

　　我想问您这句话是不是您为这次访问所作出的一种承诺，还是在您的微笑之后是不是还隐藏了其他什么话。您是不是有什么遏制中国的其他企图？

　　(笑声和掌声)

　　总统：我要是有的话，就不会把它藏在微笑后面。(笑声。)但是我没有。这就是说，我说的就是这个意思。我们必须作出一项决定─我们所有人都是如此，但是势力强大的大国人民必须决定如何定义自己的伟大。

　　苏联垮台的时候，俄国必须决定如何定义自己的伟大。他们是试图开发俄国人民的力量，与邻国合作实现更伟大的未来呢，还是记住自己在过去200年来的不幸遭遇，并认为要使自己伟大的唯一方式，就是在军事上主宰邻国呢？他们选择了向前迈进的方针。世界变得更加美好。

　　中国也是如此。你们会决定从贵国的国内外政策方面来说，中国将在二十一世纪成为一个强国具有什么意义？这是不是意味着你们在经济上会取得巨大的成功？这是不是意味着你们在文化方面会拥有巨大的影响力？这是不是意味着你们将能够在解决世界问题方面发挥很大的作用？或者这是不是意味着你们将能够以某种形式或方式，主宰你们的邻国，而不管邻国是不是愿意？这是每一个伟大的国家都必须作出的决定。

　　你们问我，我是不是真的希望遏制中国？我的回答是不。美国人民对中国总是怀有非常浓厚的感情，每当我们遇到问题，这种感情会不时受到干扰。但是，如果你们回顾我国的历史，我国人民始终感到，我们应当同中国人民具有密切的关系。我认为，如果二十一世纪时美国人民以平等和尊重的态度与中国保持夥伴关系，而不是由于对在我们的国界以外发生的事情持不同意见，而花费大量的时间和金钱试图遏制中国，那就会要好得多。因此我不希望那样做。我希望建立夥伴关系。我并没有在微笑后面隐藏企图，这是我的真实信念。(掌声)

　　因为我认为这对美国人民有利，我的工作就是做对美国人民有利的事情。对美国人民有利的事情就是同贵国保持良好的关系。

　　问：总统先生，我将在今年毕业，到中国银行工作。总统先生，刚才听到总统对中美两国青年一代对未来的国际安全还有环境保护以及金融稳定所具有的责任对我很受鼓舞，并且我也知道，青年一代如要想担负起责任首先应受到良好的教育。我知道，总统先生，您很爱自己的女儿，她现在斯坦福大学读书。那么，我请问总统先生两个问题，第一个问题是，多年前，总统先生曾经提出了知识型经济的概念，您认为高等教育在今后的知识型经济发展中将起到什么样的作用？第二个问题是，总统先生对我们青年一代，包括中美两国的青年有什么具体的希望？

　　总统：让我首先回答你的知识型经济问题。我在回答问题时要告诉你我在美国努力做的事情。我试图在美国建立一种局面，将大专院校的大门向每个学业成绩足够的年轻人敞开，并消除任何种类的经济负担。我们还没有完全实现这一点，但是我们已经取得了很大的进展。

　　我为什么要这样做呢？因为我认为，经济越先进，提高受过大学教育者的比例就越重要。让我来告诉你们这在美国有多重要。我们进行人口普查─我们每隔十年进行一次普查，清点美国的人口数字，并获得有关美国人民的各种信息。1990年的普查表明，年轻的美国人如果有大学学位，则绝大多数都能够找到好工作，收入也会增长。年轻的美国人如果受过两年或两年以上的大学教育，就能够找到好工作，收入也会增长。年轻的美国人如果没有上过大学，他们就是找到工作，收入也会下降，他们失业的可能性也高得多。

　　中国的经济越先进，这一规律就越适用于中国─你们就更加需要许多人获得大学和科技教育。因此我认为这非常非常重要。

　　现在我要说说我对美国和中国的年轻一代的期望，这个期望与经济没有关系。一个由源远流长的仇恨而非现代问题主宰的世界，是对你们的未来的最大威胁之一。只要观察世界各地，就能看到人们因为种族或宗教或民族上的差异彼此不喜欢而引起的大量麻烦─不论是波斯尼亚、印巴冲突，中东还是非洲大陆的部落都是如此。

　　只要观察世界各地，就能看到这类问题。年轻人更容易接受有差异的人，对有差异的人更感兴趣。我希望受过良好教育的中国的年轻人和美国的年轻人能够在世界上鲜明地表达自己的观点，反对只是因为他人有差异，就去仇恨他人或者去轻视他人。

　　谢谢。(掌声)

　　问：总统先生，关于民主、自由和人权的问题，实际上这是中国人民和美国人民都非常关心的问题。但是，老实说，在这方面我们两个国家有不少的分歧。您刚才在演讲中对美国建设民主，自由的历史进行了一个比较自豪的回顾，而且对中国也发表了一些建议性的意见。对于真诚的意见，我们当然非常欢迎。但是我同时又想起了一句老话，我想中国人民和世界人民都应当把它当作是行动的准则，那就是批评和自我批评同在。

　　因此，我想问您一个问题。美国近些年，美国当前在人权与民主等方面是不是也存在着一些问题呢？您能不能给我们讲一下，您的国家在这方面有哪些不足？您的政府在近期内有哪些政策？有什么效果？(掌声)

　　总统：我认为有，首先，我要说，在任何其他国家，而不仅仅是在中国，我在提出这个问题时，都会首先承认我国在这方面曾经有过严重的问题─各位记住，美国合法实行奴隶制有许多年─我们现在也不是完美的。我总是这样说，因为我认为，任何人都不应当声称自己在一个完美的国家生活。我们都在为了争取更美好的生活这一理想而奋斗。因此我同意你提出的要点。

　　我要提出两个范例。在美国仍然存在着某些歧视的事例─由于种族原因在住房或就业方面的歧视。我们设立了一套制度对付这种事情，但是我们没有完全消除这种现象。去年，我一直就这个问题与美国人民进行对话，我们努力明确政府能够做到的事情，明确美国人民应当通过地方政府或其他组织做到的事情，并明确态度，即应当改变美国人民的心态。这是一个范例。

　　我再提出另一个范例。我们有─1992年，我在竞选总统时，在纽约市的一家旅馆，一个来自希腊的美国移民来找我，他说，我儿子10岁，他在学校里学习选举，他说我应当投您的票。但是他说，如果我投您的票，我希望您给我儿子自由，因为他没有真正的自由。因此我问这个人，你是什么意思？他说，在我那个区犯罪率非常高，枪支和帮派太多，我儿子感觉不到─我不能让他自己走到学校去，也不能让他到街对面的公园去玩。因此，如果我投您的票，我希望您给我儿子自由。

　　我认为这很重要，因为大家知道，在美国，我们趋向于认为自由就是不受政府的虐待或者不受政府的控制。这是我们的传统。我们的开国先贤来到这里，是为了躲避英国的君主制。但是，自由有时要求政府采取平权步骤，赋予每个人平等的机会，接受教育，过上像样的生活，并维护守法的环境。因此，我努力工作以促使美国的犯罪率减低，现在犯罪率在25年来最低，这就是说，我们有更多的儿童获得了自由。但是犯罪率仍然很高；暴力现象仍然太严重。

　　因此，我们美国人要关心的不仅仅是维护我们珍视的自由，而且要建立一个环境，让人民建立真正美满和自由的生活。

　　这个问题问得很好。(掌声。)

　　问：总统先生，欢迎您光临北大。刚才您曾提到过胡适说，不要为了国家的自由而牺牲自己的自由。但是我们的前任校长蔡元培先生还说过这样一句话，他说：道并行而不相悖，万物并育而不相害。我并不认为，国家的自由和自己的自由有什么冲突，不是说为了国家的自由就一定要牺牲自己的自由。我认为自由是自己一种主动的选择，认为是最好的最适合自己的情况。象中国现在的繁荣发展正是我国人民自由的选择，主动贡献他们的力量的结果。我想自由的定义应该是，为了真理和正义选择那些最适合自己情况的道路，不知道您是否同意我的观点。另外我想最后说一句，只有真正懂得自由的人才会更加尊重别人的自由。谢谢。(掌声)

　　总统：首先，如果你信仰自由，就必须尊重他人作出其他选择的自由。即使是对个人自由持激进看法的社会，在自由干涉到对他人权利的维护时也承认应当限制这一自由。

　　例如，在我国的著名法院判例中，有一个判例规定，我们虽然有言论自由，但是如果没有发生火灾，任何人都不能自由地在拥挤的电影院里高喊"失火了"，从而造成人们互相践踏。另外还有一个著名的法院判例，规定我的自由以他人的鼻子为界限，意思是说任何人都没有殴打他人的自由。

　　因此我同意这一点。人们有选择的自由，你必须尊重他人的自由，他们有权作出与你不同的决定。各国的制度、文化和选择永远也不可能完全相同。正是由于这些事情，生活才变得有意思。

　　问：总统先生，我有两个问题。第一个问题是，美国的经济8个月以来一直持续高速增长，我想请问总统先生，这除了您个人对美国所作的贡献之外，还有那些方面是美国经济成功的主要因素？或许这对中国也是一个很好的借鉴。

　　第二个问题是，我想请问总统先生，江泽民主席去年访问哈佛大学时，礼堂外有很多学生在游行，今天您到北大来，如果外面也有北大学生在游行，您会有什么感想？

　　总统：首先，关于美国经济，我认为，从我就任总统以来，政府政策的主要作用，就是处理我国政府的庞大赤字─我国过去每年的开支都有巨大的赤字─我们控制住了赤字。30年以来，我们将第一次有收支平衡的预算。这使得利率下降，腾出大量资金用于在私营部门创造就业机会。我们做的第二件事情，就是大幅度扩大贸易，因此我们开始在世界各地大量增加销售额。我们做的第三件事情，就是试图增加人才投资─投资于研究、开发、技术和教育。

　　除了这些以外，美国人民本身也有很大功劳。我们的商业界非常精明；他们投资于新科技，投资于新市场和人才培训。在我们的环境中，人们创业非常容易，可能这个领域对中国最有借鉴作用。

　　我知道我的夫人在全世界各地的村庄中做了许多工作，她努力推进对村民们的信贷，使他们能够通过贷款自行创业，努力利用自己现有的技能。即使在最贫困的非洲和拉丁美洲地区，我们也见到这种制度的效用，在那里机会大量地产生。

　　因此，在美国，我们努力为人们创业、扩大企业和经营企业提供便利。然后，我们作出非常非常刻苦的努力，在以前没有机会的领域里提供机会。所有这些事情组合在一起─但是我特别认为，大部份功劳应当归于美国人民。毕竟处于我这个地位，我们应当实行正确的政策，以便我们能够建立一个大环境，让美国人民在其中创造未来。我认为基本上这已经实现了。

　　你问的问题很有意思。实际上，在美国我碰到过多次示威。江泽民主席在美国时，我对他说，他们向他示威我很高兴，这样我就不会感到那么寂寞了。（笑声和掌声。）

　　言归正传。如果外面有很多人向我示威，假如他们是因为第一位先生问我的问题而示威。假如他们说，啊，克林顿总统正在试图干涉中国和台湾的和平统一，他不应当向台湾出售任何武器。那么，我就会试图了解他们示威的原因，然后询问东道主我是否能够去跟他们谈谈，或者让示威者团体派一两个代表来见我，他们说出自己的心里话，让我来回答。

　　记得我刚才说过的本杰明?富兰克林的话吗：我们的批评者是我们的朋友，因为他们指出我们的缺点。你们今天向我提出了一些很好的问题，这些问题中有批评的成份。这些问题对我有很大帮助。这些问题帮助我了解不仅是在中国，而且在全世界其他人如何看待我说的话，并帮助我在担任美国人民的总统并维护我们的信仰时，注重如何提高总统的效用。

　　因此，我很高兴我们进行了这次交流。就我个人而言，提出的问题比我的讲演要重要得多─如果只是我一个人讲话，我就永远也学不到东西，我只有在倾听他人时才能学到东西。

　　多谢各位。谢谢。
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